Tagged: Christine McCulloch
The continuing education of Christine McCulloch, among others
Early last month, Contrarian revealed that Nova Scotia’s Chief Electoral Officer had deliberately made her latest report of political donations harder to use by publishing them in an image-based PDF format whose text could neither be searched nor copied and pasted into another document.
With help from hacker-readers, Contrarian republished the data in the searchable, text-grab-friendly format McCulloch used for previous years’ reports.
I’m not done with this topic. Several generous readers have converted the open PDF file we published into an Excel database file, thus enabling much broader use of the interesting political data it contains.
I will post that Excel CSV file soon, along with a challenge to encourage innovative projects that might help Nova Scotia officials, and even McCulloch herself, grasp the democratic potential they could unleash by giving citizens fuller access to data their taxes paid to gather.
McCulloch contended that crippling the campaign disclosure report was necessary “to protect contributors from ‘data-mining.’”

Dan O'Connor hated PDFs
It turns out the Appeal Court of Nova Scotia has already adjudicated this issue in a case called O’Connor v. Nova Scotia, in which the court upheld a citizen’s right to obtain data in its original format (a Microsoft Access database file in this case).
The O’Connor in question is one Dan O’Connor, then chief of staff to a series of NDP leaders, now chief of staff to Premier Darrell Dexter. His lawyer was Graham Steele, now Minister of Finance.
The format issue was one of several considered by the courts. The trial judge had, at O’Connor’s request, ordered release of the documents in the original Access database format, instead of the flat, McCulloch-style PDF offered by the province. The Appeal Court upheld the order for release in Access database format, but went out of its way to avoid making this requirement a precedent. Mr. Justice Jamie Saunders, wrote the unanimous decision [my emphasis]:
[119] The [province] complains that by, in effect, ordering the government to provide the information to Mr. O’Connor in the Access format, the chambers judge exceeded his jurisdiction and set a dangerous precedent.
[120] Technically the [province] is right. There is no authority in the FOIPOP Act enabling the judge to do what he purported to do when he said:
…it only makes sense to provide all the relevant information in Access format, and I so order.
[121] However, it is hard to fault the chambers judge’s directions. The Access format had already been prepared by government. In other words it was “on the shelf” and immediately available to the respondent at no additional effort, expense, or inconvenience to the government. In those circumstances, it seems to me to be perfectly reasonable for the chambers judge to have given the direction he did. This ought not to be taken as establishing an unwarranted or unnecessary precedent. As the chambers judge himself recognized in the very next line of his judgment:
By doing so I am not saying that all FOIPOP Act applicants shall have their choice of formats. This aspect of my ruling is specific to the facts of this case.
A former Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act administrator offers the following thought:
Governments do worry, legitimately, about releasing information that can be turned into solicitation lists.* With today’s technology, it is a snap to convert any list that combines names and addresses and/or telephone numbers into a mailing list or a phone list.
Section 20(3)(i) of the FOIPOP Act says that the release of personal information is presumed to be an unreasonable invasion of privacy (and hence prohibited) where “the personal information consists of the third party’s name together with the third party’s address or telephone number and is to be used for mailing lists or solicitations by telephone or other means.”
This is a very curious provision, because it is the only section in the FOIPOP Act, of which I am aware, that prohibits disclosure based on the applicant’s intended use. For all other purposes, the applicant’s intended use is irrelevant.
Section 20(3)(i) poses a real conundrum for government. How is government to judge what the applicant’s purpose is? What if the applicant doesn’t tell the truth? What if the applicant changes its mind? What if the original applicant doesn’t want it for a mailing list, but passes it on to someone else who does?
In the end, what the government tends to do is ask “Could this be used for a mailing list?” And if the answer is “yes,” they tend not to release it.

Graham Steele hated PDFs
Contrarian doesn’t know what’s in the mind of provincial officials, but this has the ring of truth. In effect, the possibility that personal data could be converted to solicitation lists is trumping other considerations. That outcome was clearly not the legislative intent, which applied the exemption only to cases where the data is to be used for solicitation, etc.
In any case, it’s not even clear the FOIPOP Act applies to McCulloch. She reports not to government but to the legislature. It’s not clear her office fits the definition of a public body under the FOIPOP act.
What would be helpful here is a much deeper understanding on the part of provincial officials as to the commonweal-affirming potential of the open-data movement that is sweeping progressive jurisdictions throughout the world, producing a new universe of citizen-empowering, economy-building tools. With its substantial cohort of tech workers, Nova Scotia ought to be at the forefront of this movement.
Contrarian is hatching plans to use our restored and enhanced version of McCulloch’s artificially crippled data as an illustrative example. Stay tuned.
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* I say this worry is vastly overblown. Conversion to solicitation lists happens less often than fear-mongers suppose. The risk of harm is almost always low. The potential benefits of open data are great.
Election data freed at last
There’s a ton of reader reaction to Contrarian’s dustup with Nova Scotia’s Chief Electoral Officer Christine McCulloch (my original post here; McCulloch’s response here). I intend to post a selection shortly, but what with having been out late last night, and having to wrangle opening night at the fall season of the Cape Breton Island Film Series later today, it will have to keep.
But why wait any longer for this? Within eight hours of my original post, one resourceful Contrarian reader managed to crack McCulloch’s digital locks and return the 2010 donations list to the traditional open pdf format, one that permits searching and taxt-grabbing.
You can download the open version here (13 MB).
I hope to convert the tables it contains to spreadsheet format or comma-separated-variable (csv) files that would be even easier to work with. If Contrarian readers have suggestions for the simplest way to do this, I’m all ears.
There’s a lesson in this.
The Chief Electoral Officer responds
Yesterday I complained that Nova Scotia’s Chief Electoral Officer, Christine McCulloch, had impaired the usefulness of her annual tally of political donations by rendering them impossible to search electronically. Ms. McCulloch responds:
I make no apology for doing our utmost to protect the privacy of Nova Scotians while meeting the obligation of full disclosure of political contributions required under the Members and Public Employees Disclosure Act (MPEDA).
The purpose of the disclosure provision of MPEDA is to provide everyone with access to the identity of contributors to recognized parties and candidates and how much they have contributed. That is met in our print report, available free of charge to anyone on request, and in portable document file format (pdf) on our website. There is no requirement under MPEDA to make it available in a searchable or downloadable form for the convenience of journalists or others. In fact, the Nova Scotia government website privacy policy expressly forbids bulk downloading of personal information from a government website.
There may have been a time, when corporations, partnerships and other organizations were permitted to make contributions without limits on the amount, when the analysis of the list of contributors in relation to lists of companies awarded public tenders may have served a purpose. Since the restriction of political contributions to individuals and a limit of $5,000 per individual, such a comparison is impossible and irrelevant. It is very easy to see who has made the greatest contribution to a candidate or party by looking down the amount column. Finding an individual is also relatively simple as the lists are arranged alphabetically.
While not perfect, the Elections Nova Scotia’s publication of contributions as a free book as well as on the Internet fully meets the disclosure requirement while protecting contributors from “data-mining” as far as is practicable.
You know you’re swimming uphill when an official reply to a complaint begins, “I make no apology for…” But Christine McCulloch’s response is disheartening on several levels.
First, “doing our utmost to protect the privacy of Nova Scotians” may be someone’s role, but it’s not the Chief Electoral Officer’s mandate. Her overriding focus should be to ensure that elections are funded and conducted in a manner that is open, transparent, accountable, and fair to all. Competing values such as privacy are, if not incidental, at least secondary. She has her priorities backwards.
Second, her assertion that the contribution limit of $5000 has rendered concern about potential influence peddling “irrelevant” is astonishing. Why bother reporting contributions at all if that’s the case?
Third, Ms. McCulloch seems oblivious to Nova Scotia’s storied history of political corruption, conceding only that “there may have been a time” when comparing contributions and government contracts served a purpose. In the not too distant past, comparing contracts and contributions served the purpose of sending Clarence McFadden and J.G. “Suitcase” Simpson to prison in Nova Scotia’s notorious liquor toll-gating scandal. There’s no maybe about it, and the Chief Electoral Officer of all people ought to be aware of this.
Finally, Ms. McCulloch takes the position that delving into public data in any way beyond what was possible 50 or 100 years ago is a thing to be feared by the citizenry and thwarted by officials. She expects us to content ourselves with data presentation in the format of a 1950′s phone book.
The Chief Electoral Officer really needs to think this through more deeply. The last 30 years have produced a cornucopia of digital tools with enormous citizen-empowering potential. Who knows what sort of mash-ups might be possible with the data trapped within Ms. McCulloch’s locked pdf? Maybe some sharp student in the Community College’s geomantics program could produce heat maps showing which parts of the province donate to which party. Maybe cross-referencing postal code income data with donations or other demographic information will reveal trends and implications we can’t detect from her 50s phone-book approach. Maybe something even better that she and I can’t conceive of because no one has done it yet.
Ironically, Ms. McCullough’s approach precludes this digital bounty while enabling most of the evils she conjures. It won’t stop an unscrupulous employer from identifying and intimidating employees who donate to the wrong party. But it will stop inventive students, journalists, researchers, social and scientists from making the most imaginative, productive, and empowering use of the information she has gathered.
Chief Electoral Obfuscation Officer
Before the end of June, each year, Nova Scotia law requires the Chief Electoral Officer to a publish all the political contributions made in the previous year. For the years 2007, 2008, and 2009, Christine McCulloch complied with the law, posting the information to the Elections Nova Scotia website in a manner that was accessible, searchable, printable, and even, with effort, downloadable to a citizen’s own database.
This gave every citizen the tools to determine whether contractors who won big roadbuilding contracts, storeowners who won liquor commission franchises, or communications consultants (like me!) who were selected for Communications Nova Scotia’s Standing Offer List were also disproportionate donors to the governing party (or any other party). The system was accountable, transparent, and fully compliant with the law and with the province’s website accessibility standards.
This summer, McCulloch quietly kneecapped it.
The data is still there; It’s just that McCulloch has deliberately impaired the citizen’s ability to access it in a useful way. The 2010 political donations appear in a locked, graphic PDF file. This means a citizen can read it, but can’t search for a name, address, donation amount, or any other information it contains, other than by leafing through it. It’s as if Canada411 replaced its searchable database with a hard copy phone book.
In an email, Elections Nova Scotia spokesman Dana Philip Doiron defended the change on grounds that the agency is ”bound by the Privacy Act, which requires that we guard against misuse of private information — names, addresses, etc.’ [My emphasis.] Doiron didn’t say whether he meant the Nova Scotia Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act (FOIPOP), or the federal Privacy Act. The latter has no application to the provincial government. Since the Chief Electoral Officer reports to the Speaker of the House of Assembly, it’s extremely doubtful whether the provincial act applies either, even if one excepts the dubious claim that the FOIPOP Act prohibits release of names and addresses specifically mandated by another act.
In any case, the new restrictions don’t shield the names and addresses of donors. They’re all there for anyone willing to take the time and effort to find them. They’re just unsearchable and un-copyable. This makes the information less useful to citizens, researchers, and reporters. Whether McCulloch’s retreat from accessibility is an actual violation of the law requiring disclosure, or merely an affront to its spirit, a skeptical citizen would be forgiven for concluding that she deliberately chose a method of publication that would subvert accessibility, openness, and transparency. The fact that the news release announcing the 2010 donations list failed to disclose the change, and that it listed a link to the document that does not function, doesn’t increase confidence.
It’s extremely disappointing that Ms. McCulloch would behave like this. If the Nova Scotia’s Chief Electoral Officer won’t stand up for transparent and accessible disclosure of political donations, who the heck will?
H/T: Wallace McLean
Watson’s Greens blow another chance for redemption
At the risk of sounding like a Green Party blog, today’s news has to be disheartening for those adherents who have tried to get the party back on track. After the break, an email from Elections Nova Scotia Communications Director Dana Philip Doiron describes the outcome of a meeting this morning in which Chief Electoral Office Christine McCulloch gave outgoing party leader Ryan Watson and official agent Kathryn Herbert one last chance to demonstrate that the party can meet its legal obligations.
Greens face imminent deregistration – Update
Chief Electoral Officer Christine McCulloch’s annual report has been posted, and it confirms our report last week that she has initiated deregistration proceedings against the Green Party for failure to comply with financial disclosure laws.
As the chart above shows, the failure appears to be complete across the board: No audited financial statements, no public access thereto, and no copies or accounting of tax receipts. The Green Party of Nova Scotia received $133,469.90 in public financing last year.
McCulloch’s report doesn’t say when deregistration will take effect, but over the weekend party officials told contrarian they had until July 17 to avoid losing official party status.
Greens face imminent deregistration – Update
Nova Scotia Green Party leader Ryan Watson says the party will publish its 2008 audited financial statements “within a few weeks.” Based on regular conversations with Elections Nova Scotia, he believes this will be soon enough to avoid loss of official party status.
By law, the financial statements should have been filed by April 30. Elections Nova Scotia communications director Dana Philip Doiron told contrarian earlier today that Chief Electoral Office Christine McCulloch had issued the required 30-day notice of deregistration required under the Elections Act, and a report due for release Tuesday would detail the issue. He said deregistration could follow shortly.
Watson said the late filing resulted from the party being new, its treasurer taking an untimely vacation, and its reliance on volunteers who were “wading through the election regulations,” and busy preparing for and fighting the June election. Read more »
Greens face imminent deregistration
The Green Party of Nova Scotia, and riding associations for the Greens and two other recognized parties, face imminent deregistration under the Elections Act for failing to publish audited financial statements for the last fiscal year as required by law.
Dana Philip Doiron, communications director for Elections Nova Scotia, confirmed that Chief Electoral Officer Christine McCulloch will file her annual report under the Members and Public Employees Disclosure Act (MPED) Tuesday, and deregistration could follow shortly thereafter.
“Sometimes [the report's release is] a ho-hum event, and Frank is the only one interested,” Doiron said “In this particular case the report will be looking at compliance for reporting, and that report will be interesting.” Read more »
Union tries end run around election rules — feedback (cont.)
Halifax arts and culture activist and New Democrat Andrew Terris weighs in on the union donation flap:
As I understand it, there are two critical factors:
1. Are the members of the [Building and] Construction Trades Council separately incorporated bodies? If they are, their donations are not illegal. The [Members and Public Employees] Disclosure Act says “a trade union and all its members and affiliates are considered to be one organization.” But it looks to me like the Council is an association of unions rather than a single, inclusive entity under the act.
2. Given #1, the NDP could well have accepted the donations in good faith. The real problem was the offer of the Council to reimburse the unions, an offer about which the NDP might well have known nothing until it was leaked to you and other media bloodhounds… Read more »
Secret donations (cont.)
The NDP have joined the Liberals in insisting that voters go to the poll without knowing who donated to their campaign. The party revealed the names of labour unions and corporations that gave to the campaign, but withheld the names of individuals who contributed a total of $287,013.12.
“The initial advice we received from [Chief Electoral Officer] Christine [McCulloch] is that there were privacy concerns,” said N-dip campaign director Matt Hebb. “If she has different advice now, I will take a look at it.’
McCulloch’s press aide Dana Philip Doiron told contrarian last week that, in response to requests for an opinion, McCulloch merely told the parties they should seek their own legal counsel, because it was not appropriate for her to issue legal advice. Read more »

